https://journals.koers.aosis.co.za/index.php/koers/issue/feedKoers - Bulletin for Christian Scholarship/Bulletin vir Christelike Wetenskap2014-12-05T15:26:26+01:00AOSIS Publishingwebmaster@journals.koers.aosis.co.zaOpen Journal Systems<a id="readmorebanner" title="http://www.koersjournal.org.za" href="http://www.koersjournal.org.za" target="_blank">Visit the Journal</a> <img style="padding-top: 2px;" src="/public/web_banner.svg" alt="" />https://journals.koers.aosis.co.za/index.php/koers/article/view/2195Calvinus: Auctoritas Dei (Calvin: The authority of God)2014-12-05T15:26:26+01:00Victor E. d’Assonvillehhvanalten@gmail.com(Erik) H.H. van Altenhhvanalten@gmail.comNo abstract available.2014-12-05T15:26:00+01:00Copyright (c) 2014 Victor E. d’Assonville, (Erik) H.H. van Altenhttps://journals.koers.aosis.co.za/index.php/koers/article/view/2147Calvin’s view on the book of the Acts of the Apostles2014-12-05T15:26:26+01:00Herman H.(Erik) van Altenhhvanalten@gmail.com<p><span>How does John Calvin view the book of the Acts of the Apostles? What does he see as the benefit of this book for the church of his time? Is he, like so many today, of the opinion that the book of Acts is primarily about the work of the Holy Spirit? Calvin preached and commented on the book of Acts from 1549 to 1554. His commentary is preceded by an </span><em>Argumentum</em><span> as well as a number of dedicatory letters (accompanying the respective editions). In these introductory documents Calvin gives the reader insight into his view on the benefit and the theme of Acts. He describes the benefit of the book of Acts primarily from a Christological perspective: the book of Acts paints a picture of the effect that Christ’s death and resurrection had after he ascended into heaven. This benefit takes its most visible form in the theme of Acts, which Calvin subsequently identifies: the beginning of the church. The theme of the book of Acts is therefore defined from an ecclesiological perspective. This article demonstrates the value of studying not only Calvin’s commentaries themselves, but also the introductory documents that accompanied them. In this way, a clear picture of Calvin’s view on the book of Acts is painted.</span></p>2014-09-03T15:01:23+02:00Copyright (c) 2014 Herman H.(Erik) van Altenhttps://journals.koers.aosis.co.za/index.php/koers/article/view/2149Die voorsienigheidsleer van Calvyn: Uit sy debatte2014-12-05T15:26:26+01:00Morné Diedericksmorne.diedericks@aros.ac.za<p><span>Calvyn se leer van God se voorsienigheid is ongetwyfeld een van die mees kontroversiële onderwerpe van sy teologie. Dit word duidelik in al die debatte waarin Calvyn sy leer oor die voorsienigheid moes verdedig, byvoorbeeld teen Pighius, Bolsec, Bullinger en Castellio. Vyfhonderd jaar later word Calvyn weer in die openbaar oor sy voorsienigheidsleer aangeval deur ’n Suid-Afrikaanse teoloog, Adrio König. Calvyn se antwoord op Castellio in </span><em>Die verborge voorsienigheid van God </em><span>is duidelik nie deur König in ag geneem nie. In Calvyn se verdediging van sy voorsienigheidsleer verwerp hy nooit die soewereiniteit van God nie, maar gee ook nie vir God die skuld vir die kwaad nie – ’n beskuldiging wat Castellio en König teen Calvyn inbring. Die troos van God se voorsienigheid lê vir Calvyn juis daarin dat God alle dinge, ook teenspoed en verdrukking, deur sy verborge voorsienigheid beskik met die doel om sy kinders nader na Hom te lei.</span></p><p><span><strong>Calvin’s teaching on providence: From his debates.</strong><span> Calvin’s teaching on God’s providence is without doubt one of the most controversial subjects in his theology. This is clear in all the debates in which Calvin had to defend his teaching on providence, against, for example, Pighius, Bolsec, Bullinger and Castellio. Five hundred years later Calvin has again been publicly attacked on his teaching on providence by a South African theologian, Adrio König. König, however, did not consider Calvin’s response to Castellio in </span><em>The secret providence of God</em><span>. In Calvin’s defence of his teaching on providence he in no circumstances denies the sovereignty of God, but also does not give God the blame for any ills that might result – an accusation that Castellio and König levied against him. For Calvin, the consolation of God’s providence rests in the fact that God ordains all things, including adversity and affliction, through his secret providence for the purpose of leading his children closer to him.</span></span></p>2014-09-12T15:59:35+02:00Copyright (c) 2014 Morné Diederickshttps://journals.koers.aosis.co.za/index.php/koers/article/view/2174Calvin’s instruction on the fifth commandment2014-12-05T15:26:26+01:00Dolf Britzbritzrm@ufs.ac.za<span>In this article Calvin’s explication of the fifth commandment in his works intended to be used in education and catechetical instruction is surveyed. The investigation is restricted to (in this sequence) the 1536 </span><em>Institutio</em><span>, the </span><em>Instruction et Confession de Foy, </em><span>printed in Geneva in 1537 and 1538, </span><em>l’Institution puerile de la doctrine Chrestienne</em><span> and the expanded </span><em>Institutio</em><span> (1539) and incorporated Calvin’s exposition of the core biblical texts (Ephesians, Colossians, Exodus and Deuteronomy) used for his explanation of the fifth commandment. The renowned </span><em>Catechismus</em><span> (1541/1545) is then scrutinised, followed by a consideration of </span><em>La maniere d’interroguer les enfans qu’on veut recevoir a la cene Seigneur Iesus Christ</em><span> (1553). The aim of the research is not limited to a discussion of the content of Calvin’s exposition, but also to establish whether a development can be traced in the theological thinking of Calvin. The conclusion is that Calvin supplemented and clothed the basic trajectories of his interpretation, but that the 1539 </span><em>Institutio</em><span> provided the most complete and finalised explication of the fifth commandment. In addition, the conditional obedience of children is omitted in the 1545 </span><em>Catechismus</em><span>. It was probably done for pedagogical reasons.</span>2014-11-19T13:59:18+01:00Copyright (c) 2014 Dolf Britzhttps://journals.koers.aosis.co.za/index.php/koers/article/view/2175Die skoolorde van Genève 1559: ’n Basis vir ’n gereformeerde skoolorde2014-12-05T15:26:26+01:00Gerard J. Meijergerardjmeijer@gmail.com<strong>The school order of Genève 1559: A basis for a reformed school order.</strong><span> Calvin and education are synonymous. Apart from his written legacy, which speaks of his intense love for education, he endeavoured to put schools in place where young people could be educated in the ways of the Lord. This was not only in the curriculum, but also in the way it was presented and the teachers who presented those lessons received special attention from Calvin. The light of God’s Word is shed over everything. This article shows how, given his own historical background and the tools available to him, he tried to develop a school system in the city of Geneva where children could be educated in accordance with the promise of their parents at their baptism. The school order of Geneva (1559) in conjunction with the Genevan Church order (1561) gives us insight in the doings and thoughts of Calvin on education. I hope to indicate some lines that could be of use in the present dialogue on educational matters. Sadly, the way Calvin set up a system for education is no longer evident in schools. Isn’t there an urgent need for a well-defined and fundamental school order amongst all the school policies and rules? This question will receive attention in the article.</span>2014-11-19T15:37:59+01:00Copyright (c) 2014 Gerard J. Meijerhttps://journals.koers.aosis.co.za/index.php/koers/article/view/2148Post-Reformation Reformed exegesis: Continuity or discontinuity of John Calvin?2014-12-05T15:26:26+01:00Adriaan C. NeeleNeeleAC@ufs.ac.zaAlthough the Post-Reformation Reformed theologian, philosopher and Hebraist Petrus van Mastricht (1630–1706) praises John Calvin (1509–1564) as one of the best commentators of Scripture, he rarely refers to Calvin’s work in his <em>Theoretico-practica theologia</em><span> and, if he does, he either takes issue or concurs with it. This contribution explores the reception of Calvin’s work by Mastricht, focusing on exegetical continuities and discontinuities in their comments on the psalms. It concludes that Mastricht gives more attention to etymological and philological issues of the Hebrew text than Calvin does, and emphasises more than the Genevan Scripture commentator does the doctrine of divine immensity and the Reformed concept of the covenant.</span>2014-11-21T14:46:49+01:00Copyright (c) 2014 Adriaan C. Neelehttps://journals.koers.aosis.co.za/index.php/koers/article/view/2176John Calvin and the ‘accursed idolatry’ of the papal mass2014-12-05T15:26:26+01:00Johan [Frikkie] F.K. Mulderjfkmulder@gmail.comThis article comprises a comparison of article 16 of the Genevan Confession (1536), certainextracts of ‘A small tract on Holy Communion (1541)’ and a letter to Madame the Duchess ofFerrara (1541), with question 801 of the Heidelberg Catechism (HC80).2014-12-03T16:59:20+01:00Copyright (c) 2014 Johan [Frikkie] F.K. Mulderhttps://journals.koers.aosis.co.za/index.php/koers/article/view/2173The death of a leader: Calvin commenting on Joshua in the last year of his life (1563)2014-12-05T15:26:26+01:00Erik A. De Boereadeboer@tukampen.nl<span>In the early modern period the testament, death, burial and funeral orations of public figures were often registered carefully. Such accounts told the story of the esteem in which the leaders were held, as the example of Martin Luther shows. While the account of John Calvin’s demise seems simpler, in his case the story of his dying days is focused on his farewell addresses. The surviving manuscripts of Calvin’s contributions to the Bible study of Joshua in 1563–1564 testify to his awareness of his mortality. How did he, their moderator, address the Company of Pastors in the course of their treatment of the book of Joshua in the weekly </span><em>congrégations</em><span> during the last year of his life? Both the end of the Pentateuch Harmony and the Joshua commentary cover farewell speeches of Israel’s leaders. Did Calvin compare the Old Testament prophets and leaders with the preachers of Geneva? The academic discussion of Calvin’s perception of himself as a prophet is taken up in the discussion of his self-awareness in the last year of collegial exposition of the Bible.</span>2014-12-04T16:18:50+01:00Copyright (c) 2014 Erik A. De Boerhttps://journals.koers.aosis.co.za/index.php/koers/article/view/2183Die teoloog as sendeling – Op soek na ’n sleutel vir Calvyn se sendingbeskouing2014-12-05T15:26:26+01:00Victor E. d'Assonvillevicdas@rtsonline.deThe contention that the Reformers, and especially Calvin, had little or no interest in mission is not new in church historiography. While many studies, conducted over years, have demonstrated the contrary, this groundless allegation continues to assert itself from time to time, for example as found in a recent best-seller by one of the world’s leading church historians. Given that 2009 marked the world-wide commemoration of Calvin’s birthday 500 years ago with the consequence of many studies published, it is appropriate to elucidate the question in a different manner: What theological motives are important in Calvin’s view of mission? This article examines the issue of the relationship between mission and Calvin with regard to the concept of mission, but also concerning some other theological questions.According to Calvin, every believer has a role to fulfill in evangelism. The ‘mission field’ is comprised of every nation, all peoples, the entire world. Calvin interprets the task of mission ecclesiologically: for him the church (as local congregation) is only church when it has a missionary orientation.2014-12-04T16:28:22+01:00Copyright (c) 2014 Victor E. d'Assonvillehttps://journals.koers.aosis.co.za/index.php/koers/article/view/2177An edifying circle of pastors2014-12-05T15:26:26+01:00H. H. van Altenhhvanalten@gmail.comNo abstract available.2014-08-28T14:02:12+02:00Copyright (c) 2014 H. H. van Altenhttps://journals.koers.aosis.co.za/index.php/koers/article/view/2178An image of the church in Calvin’s commentary on the Minor Prophets2014-12-05T15:26:26+01:00H.H. van Altenhhvanalten@gmail.comNo abstract available.2014-08-28T14:40:15+02:00Copyright (c) 2014 H.H. van Altenhttps://journals.koers.aosis.co.za/index.php/koers/article/view/2179Claude Le Jeune and Theodore de Bèze: A first encounter in the <i>Dix Pseaumes ... en forme de Motets</i> of 15642014-12-05T15:26:26+01:00J.H.L.S. Potgieterhhvanalten@gmail.comIn this article Claude Le Jeune’s <em>Dix Pseaumes</em> is investigated, with special attention to its historical context. The <em>Dix Pseaumes</em> came into existence during the initial phase of the Frenchwars of religion, between the Edict of Ambois on 19 March 1563 and its publication in 1564,with Le Jeune as its composer and Theodore de Bèze wrote the texts. De Bèze’s influence in forming the French Protestant’s view on armed resistance makes his connection to the <em>Dix Pseaumes</em> very interesting. It is argued that the non-sequential order of the psalms in this work cannot be accepted as unintentional, but relates directly to the political situation of that time. The texts were evidently chosen to mirror a well-defined consciousness of the French Protestants’ particular existential situation. This is worked out in detail with respect to theopening psalm (Psalm 96), but can be detected in all the other psalms as well. The closing psalm (Psalm 81) ends with an upbraiding of the people’s unkindness in refusing the yoke of God’s law. Thus the obstinate disobedience of the people is blamed for the sad state of affairs in the country. This sorrowful note is echoed in the <em>chanson spirituelle</em>, <em>Mais qui es-tu</em>, which closes Le Jeune’s collection.2014-11-25T15:43:41+01:00Copyright (c) 2014 J.H.L.S. Potgieter